Gun Control Problems in America
The Second Amendment to the United States Constitution states: "A well-regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed." The Founding Fathers included this in our Bill of Rights because they feared the Federal Government might coerce the population if the people did not have the means to defend themselves as a nation and as individuals. Many years later, we began placing restrictions on the right to keep and bear arms. The first restrictions concerned the manner in which citizens could carry arms. In 1850, the Louisiana Supreme Court ruled that the foundation did not grant the right to carry a concealed weapon although earlier court cases had ruled that the constitution did protect the right to carry concealed weapons. Shortly before the Civil War, some southern States passed legislation denying slaves and freed blacks the right to possess firearms.
America has long had the questionable characteristic of being the world's most violent industrial country. Violent crime skyrocketed in the U.S. beginning in the late 1960s, a development that continued into the early 1990s. It is no wonder that crime has constantly been one of the public's chief concerns over the past thirty years.
However ever since the mid-1990s, there has been a sharp drop in violent crime in most parts of the country. The FBI's 2000 survey of crimes reported to the police demonstrated the murder rate at its lowest level since 1967. The 2001 National Crime Victimization Survey, intended to pick up both reported and unreported crime, found the lowest overall crime rate since the survey began in 1973. Criminal justice experts ascribe the change to a drop in cocaine use; the reality that more criminals are in prison serving longer sentences. (the Daily Texan)
Causes of Gun Control Problem
After the killings at Denver's Columbine High School in April 1999, many considered the scar left on the American consciousness would lead to change. A poll at the time showed that two-thirds of Americans supported greater gun control measures.
In February, with the 2000 presidential campaign in full swing, the killing of a six-year-old Michigan schoolgirl by one of her classmates pushed the matter into the heart of the election campaign. Though, experience has revealed that even the most liberal firearms legislation can turn out to be held up in arguments over the constitutional right to bear arms, or plainly crumples under the political force of the pro-gun lobby, led by the National Rifle Association.
Politically, gun control is one of the few problem on which Republicans and Democrats can assert genuine differences. The majority Democrats support tighter gun laws at the same time as the majority of Republicans are opposed to any new legislation, saying the dilemma lies in the negligent enforcement of prevalent laws. Even so, as a consequence of Columbine more than 15 state legislatures passed significant gun control bills or dropped NRA-supported bills. These changes indicate a noteworthy shift in public opinion. Conversely, the picture at federal level remains mostly unaffected.
Barry Bruce-Briggs stated a generation back that public argument about weapons control regulation disintegrates into the venting of raw aggression between diverse factions more often than it develops into commendable public policy research. (Briggs 37) What gets lost in the competition is a sense of those points that are in fact in the argument and those that are not. Almost every gun control supporter in this country is, like the typical gun owner, (Wright 107) a peaceful, cultured member of the middle class who wants to put a stop to the senseless aggression that has surrounded the streets of American cities.
Nevertheless, the sincerity of gun controllers do differ from those of gun owners in several important ways. First, they make altered approximations about the worth of firearms for protective and prevention reasons. Second, they frequently diverge in how they assess the principles of using violence against violence. Third, they are disposed to make very different deductions about how much potential for vice to attribute to the government of the United States. Few if any of those who are unreceptive to the society of an armed civilian public believe the likelihood that our government, with its Constitution, could ever deteriorate into the sort of callous dictatorial instrument that has, at one time or another, caused problems to most of the peoples of the Old and Third Worlds. The question is whether to tag this approach tranquility or indifference. Either way it is, the reality remains that from time to time, genocides and other extreme forms of tyranny...
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